tsarevich ivan ivanovich

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The stories began to circulate at the Polish army camp at Kiverova Gorka near Pskov at the end of December, 1581. Angry with his father for his military failures, Ivan demanded to be given command of some troops to liberate besieged Pskov. 21Possevino has always served as the crucial source for the story of Ivan killing his son, but other sources do exist. A useful starting point is to avoid putting them all in the same category as “travellers’ accounts” or even the more useful “state descriptions.” One important category is the published works of diplomats, which include some of the most important and most frequently cited, those of Herberstein, Possevino, Fletcher, and Olearius. In his notes to his edition of the “Missio Moscovitica” Pierling cited a letter from Possevino to Cardinal Galli from Krakow, 11 February 1584, where Possevino explains that he had written a second commentary on Muscovy while he was in Hungary in 1583. His private letter to Galli of 22 January 1582 states that the story was a rumor he heard in the Polish camp near Pskov and that he did not believe it. The text also mentions (59) that a “commentarius” (singular) by Possevino about the customs of the Muscovites “is said to exist” (existare dicitur). Later correspondence with the Vatican reveals that he wrote the chapter (commentary) containing the story only some time in 1583, while he was in Hungary, and that he wrote it in response to orders (unspecified). The Tsarevich died on November 19, 1581. Likhachev, Ia.S. 7Possevino’s story in the first chapter was that “There is strong evidence [certiore indicio proditum est] that the Grand Prince of Moscow slew his own son in the fortress called Alexandrova Sloboda.” He claims that he heard the story from one of the interpreters, presumably one with whom he worked in February and March, 1582. The wounded Ivan being cradled by his father in, Learn how and when to remove this template message, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Tsarevich_Ivan_Ivanovich_of_Russia&oldid=963673540, Articles lacking in-text citations from November 2013, Short description is different from Wikidata, Articles with unsourced statements from July 2018, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License, This page was last edited on 21 June 2020, at 03:57. Also in Koialovich, Dnevnik. He was the son of Ivan the Terrible, who eventually killed him. The 1586 Wilno edition has most of these letters, but the 1587 Antwerp edition (which Graham used) does not have them at all. 46 Reinhold Heidenstein, De bello Moscovitico (Wilno 1584), 211 ; reprinted in Historiæ Ruthenicæ Scriptores II, 165 ; Russian translation : Idem, Zapiski o Moskovskoi voine [Commentaries on the Moscow War], trans. If we are to use these sources, we must understand not merely general cultural prejudices but the character of the documents themselves. Ivan surrendered Livonia, but Batory evacuated all his conquests in Russia itself.8 Possevino then made a second journey to confirm the truce in Moscow itself on 23 January‑14 March, 1582. Possevino’s unpublished correspondence with the Vatican, Polish officials, and the Venetian Senate shows that he returned to the subject of the tsarevich several times in the ensuing year 1582 but never mentioned murder or killing, only death. 8 Novodvorskii, Bor´ba za Livoniiu, 255‑303. Perhaps it does not make a large difference in itself, but the relations inside the family of a ruling monarch in the pre‑modern world should not be left as material for historical novelists. That was the problem: neither Pope was against the conquest of Russia for the Catholic cause, but it was expensive (the Papacy would have to pay for the war, given the opposition in the Polish diet) and it might not work. 3The presence or absence of unpublished archival material is not merely a matter of antiquarian interest. The third falsehood was that the death of the tsarevich was the result of a quarrel about the wife of the tsarevich and that it inclined Ivan to listen to Possevino’s peace proposals. Possevino was not constructing something new and unheard of, such rumors circulated continuously in the court and government of Poland from at least the 1560’s until the end of the Time of Troubles. The next months were taken up with the negotiations, crowned with success on 15 January, 1582 at Iam Zapol´skii, in large part due to the Jesuit’s efforts. Modern historians do not have that excuse. Possevino has always served as the crucial source for the story of Ivan killing his son, but other sources do exist. In 1566, it was suggested that the 12-year-old Ivan marry Virginia Eriksdotter, daughter of King Eric XIV of Sweden, but this did not come about. Uspenskii, Peregovory o mire mezhdu Moskvoi i Pol´shei v 1581‑1582 gg. Cf. Boris Godunov, who was present at the scene, tried to intervene but received blows himself. Boris Godunov, who was present at the scene, tried to intervene, but received blows himself. The 1584 version of Possevino and Campana’s reports does not even mention the death of the tsarevich, though it was clearly compiled after September, 1582.22. I've killed my son! Platonov, Ocherki po istorii Smuty v Moskovskom gosudarstve XVI‑XVII vv. AccueilNuméros55/1-2ArticlesPossevino and the death of tsarev... L’histoire selon laquelle, en 1581, le tsarevič Ivan Ivanovič a été tué par son père Ivan le Terrible fait partie intégrante de l’histoire russe. Please enable JavaScript in your browser's settings to use this part of Geni. Possevino’s attitude at the time also emerges from his letter to Zamoyski written only a week later, 29 January 1582, where he reported simply that “Filius Magni Ducis primogenitus, ut dudum erat rumor, [blank] diem obiit” (“The first born of the Grand Duke, as was for some time the rumor, on [blank] day died”. Angry with his father for his military failures, Ivan demanded to be given command of some troops to liberate besieged Pskov. 2 Sigmund von Herberstein, Rerum Moscovitarum commentarii, Vienna, 1549 ; Idem, Moscoviter Wunderbare Historien, Basel, 1563 ; Russian translation : A.L. With the knife in that position, the version of self-inflicted wound on the neck while falling forward during seizure appears more likely. None of the Venetian documents of conversations with Possevino records any version of the rumors of the murder of the tsarevich. 53 In his first epistle to Prince Andrey Kurbskii Ivan praised Constantine for killing his son “tsarstviia radi :” Ia.S. The rumor differed from the Moscovia version in another crucial respect: the cause of the murder was not a conflict over the wife of the tsarevich but over the issue of peace or war. It was in part a reaction to the Livonian War, that is to Ivan’s attempts to incorporate all or part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, along with Livonia, into Russia. Heidenstein presented two stories, one of which which he asserted came from two noble Muscovite prisoners (“duos nobiles Moscos”). Basically, both groups wanted in some way to put Russia and the Polish‑Lithuanian state together, with Russia either as a subject state (the royal agenda) or as some sort of partner (some circles among the szlachta represented in the diet). The story of the murder in this letter was not a fact he learned from his interpreters but a rumor, again contradicting the Moscovia version. They considered it possible that Godunov's people had tried to assassinate Dmitry, but killed somebody else instead and he managed to escape. Due to her sterility, Ivan's father banished her to a convent. For the next few days, the elder Ivan prayed incessantly for a miracle, but to no avail, and the Tsarevich died on 19 November 1581. The story that was circulating said that Ivan had killed his son, but the reason was that the tsarevich wanted peace and Ivan did not. The rumor differed from the Moscovia version in another crucial respect: the cause of the murder was not a conflict over the wife of the tsarevich but over the issue of peace or war. There he managed to convince Sixtus that Batory’s plan was workable, and in December Possevino set off for Warsaw by way of Venice. The young Ivan accompanied his father during the Massacre of Novgorod at the age of 15. Perhaps he did not want to be too open at that point, but in his remaining correspondence with Bolognetti and Galli the subject never came up. (Pittsburgh, 1977) ; Russian : A. Possevino, Istoricheskie sochineniia o Rossii [Historical Works on Russia], (trans. We have no idea what the sources of the rumors were, but Russian deserters or prisoners were no more likely than the Poles themselves to have accurate information.

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